The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was considered among the most significant holders of that position in American history. Although many vice-presidents were limited to marginal or ceremonial positions, Cheney exercised enormous influence during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was often described as the "actual president".
Bush disliked this portrayal and stated the dynamic was more complex. He noted that Cheney was courteous, consistently calling him in public settings as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their association as a partnership because it implied that they were equals. Regardless of these denials, Cheney viewed the relaxed president malleable on a wide array of governmental choices.
A Post-9/11 Era
Leading of a contingent of neo-cons that encompassed military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been attending a session at a school in Florida. As Bush made his way to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, commanding the downing of any non-communicating aircraft heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney said the attacks transformed him, causing him to be intent on retaliation. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the invasion of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Policies
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the waterboarding of suspects captured after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was founded on inaccurate reports repeated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It represented the right thing to do back then. I was convinced at the time and I hold that view now."
Yet even then, there were opposing views at a senior level about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the government's own delegates to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, negligence, and unaccountability: at worst, deception, unfitness, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq campaign. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for comparable steps. He had drafted a document detailing situations in which national priorities might be endangered (encompassing "availability of vital raw materials, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "America should be prepared to take unilateral action when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," explicitly citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had entered the presidency generally inclined on implementing what his predecessor had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been fired by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his intention of reducing America's involvement in the Middle East dispute and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, thinking he had been responsible for a plot to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a portrait of his parent's face that everyone had to walk over.
Interrogation Methods
But it was Cheney who was one of the most vociferous behind striking Iraq, consistently quoting information documents that were both insubstantial or entirely deceptive. He backed what the Bush administration politely called as "advanced techniques", the use of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Responding to a Senate analysis in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the conclusions as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to take steps and establish programmes to capture the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it never happened again. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in nicknames given to him by critics such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence directing Bush. In the author's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the malevolent mastermind in the corner that operates invisibly come out of his domain? It's a advantageous way to operate, actually."
Corporate Connections
Controversy over his corporate affiliations accompanied him throughout his time as second-in-command. Even though he had limited background in business but good contacts in military, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas corporations, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's VP candidate for the executive branch. Contentiously, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US agreements valued at billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his time at the corporation rose from his quarter-million dollars when he was defence secretary to over four million. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package worth more than $20m|twenty
